Case study of HIV in South Africa

Capital punishment misc11 essays

Capital punishment misc11 essays In the eighteenth century,England would punish by death for pickpocketing and petty theft. Ever since the 1650's colonist could be put to death for denying the true god or cursing their parents advocates. Capital Punishment have clashed almost continuously in the forum of public opinion in state legislatures and most recently in courts. In 1972,the case of furman vs.Georgia reached the supreme court. The court decided that punishment by death did indeed violate the eighth amendment to containing that "excessive fines imposed,nor cruel and unusual punishment inflicted." By this decision death sentences all over the country were set aside. The three most common death penalties are the gas chamber,lethal injection,and the electric chair. Capital punishment has become an increasingly controversial issue over many decades. The problem lies between, is the death penalty being accepted in murder cases or ruled out completely. While some people feel that Capital Punishment will not discourage crime, Capital punishment should be legalized in all states, because it is morally just and it will deter crime. The many opponents of capital punishment who are against it feel that the death penalty is not a deterrent and that it is barbariaertic of the past. It has no place in a civilized society today. One of the biggest arguments against capital punishment is people feel that it violates the eighth amendment which forbids cruel and unusual punishment. People against Capital Punishment believe the death penalty is absurd and is in un-christian practice. Further more, they feel society should not" encourage sentiments of vengenance cater to morbid interest in ritual execution." Criminologists also built a strong case that the threat of death failed to deter murder, anymore effectively than prison. Therefore, to inflict harm to one,...

Dragon in China A Symbol of Empowerment Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Dragon in China A Symbol of Empowerment - Essay Example By going through the description of ‘Ladle with dragon handle’ on the website of The Metropolitan Museum of Art, it has been observed that the kind of ancient item provided by the museum at their site, demonstrates the creative and philosophical background of ancient Chinese culture. The ladle has been used in the third century for kitchen chores and whisky pouring. The historical object in the museum ladle can be located with a dragon’s head, which is particularly at its handle. A visitor to the museum can observe that the dragon has pointed ears and bulging eyes as the most prominent features. Additionally, its two long horns and attenuated snout are also those elements that serve in drawing the attention of the audience. As per the astrologists, the ladles were unearthed from the land of Kingdom of Wu. This denotes that ladles were of great importance for the Kingdom (The Metropolitan Museum of Art). Considering the historical existence of dragon in Chinese culture, it is evident that the ladle with dragon heads are mere symbol of strength and power for the kingdom. If the history of Yangzi river valley is assessed, dragons are always found serving the kingdom with good luck and blessings (Fiero 14). In Chinese culture, the ladle with dragon head have always been considered as the sign of serenity as it was used in the kitchen; therefore, during the recent period of modernization, the importance of dragons cannot be ignored. It should also be noted that the roots of such symbol go back to the beliefs presented in Confucianism’s content (Visser and Coleman 21-23). On the other hand, the pieces such as ladle with dragon head in China were sustaining the Chinese rise to empire; thus, the support acquired from the dragon and its symbolization had always supported the kingdom with strength and power. The richest culture of the region holds the dragons at every pace of the civil ization; therefore, the presence of dragons over ladles and other widely used utensils can be observed. This gives a clear indication of the worth of the pieces, Ladle, for Emperor  Qianlongs reign of the Qing Dynasty at its best. To be more precis, the era was (220–265), 3rd century. As most of the people are found believing that Chinese Dragon actually symbolizes the evil there is still a certain degree of misconception. Chinese also believed that dragons provide harmony to the patients. In simpler words, the dragons have the ability to help patients heal during sickness. The misconception appeared popular, because the dragon in west is considered as the symbol of Satan, because of the devilish attitudes (Visser and Coleman 71-83). It should be noted that ladle is of great value and kept in the museum because it highlights Chinese cultural heritage. It is observable that ladle 36.8 cm which is over greater cost. The worth of the ladle is noted to be beyond millions for it s make. The beliefs of old Chinese population and empire demonstrate their psychology that a daily using utensil with imprinted or carved dragon head may empower their existence over the world to rule with the domination they want to acquire. The modern Chinese society also believes in the old notions, that greatness, goodness and blessings are indulged with the symbol of dragon that may bless them as their ancestors were blessed. Such worth of ladle with dragon head in Chinese history is due to the fact that the believers deem dragons as the controlling power of the

Disorder Paper Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

Disorder Paper - Essay Example The patient sees her thin body as fat. The patient starves oneself until the body weight dangerously drops lower than the normal weight of the average person, in accordance with one’s height. The psychological problem occurs when the patients starve themselves by taking only water diets, just like what Karen Carpenter did. The body is deprived of its need for solid food. With Karen Carpenter’s death, eating problems, such as Anorexia Nervosa, was scrutinized and well discussed in the press and in society (Lucas, 2004). The patient must do what society requires (to be thin) in order to be accepted (Simpson, 2002). Alexander Lucas (Lucas, 2004;3) emphasized â€Å"Hilde Bruch called anorexia nervosa a new disease that selectively befalls the young, the rich, and the beautiful. The widespread publicity that revolved around the disease—anorexia nervosa—in the 1970s awakened us to its existence and made it seem that an epidemic had begun. Some anorexic women are indeed rich and beautiful.† The author mentioned patients of the emotionally dysfunctional Anorexia Nervosa eating disorder include teenage girls living in a family having average income (Goozen, 2004). Many of the patients do not relate beauty with one’s weight. The disorder is third most prevalent chronic illness among teenage women. However the disease also affects women who are older. The disorder cropped up because of society’s impression that â€Å"thin is in†. However, starting one self of nutrition can precipitate to osteoporosis, a bone ailment (Golden, 2010). Further, Helen Malson (1998;112) reiterated â€Å"The thin body thus sustains a multiplicity of meanings and may signify a variety of (often conflicting) subjectivities. The discursive and physical management of the thin/anorexic body and the discursive struggle over its meanings can thus be understood as a management of identity. The

Comparison of Panhellenic Structures and Greek Sanctuaries

Comparison of Panhellenic Structures and Greek Sanctuaries In What Ways Were Panhellenic Sanctuaries Distinctive in Comparison with Other Kinds of Greek Sanctuaries? This work is going to centre on the Panhellenic sanctuaries of Olympia and Delphi and what made them distinctive, but also the reasons why these distinctions occurred. To achieve this I am going to focus the discussion on the origins of the sanctuaries in comparison to others that did not have Panhellenic status and also the types of activity that were established at these sanctuaries that were able to appeal to such a vast selection of people. According to tradition the Olympic games were first held in 776 BC, but cult activity at Olympia had its origins some time before this as evidenced by the presence of terracotta and bronze votive figurines, which suggest a date of at least the late 10th century BC (Morgan 1990: 57). During this period however the sanctuary was by no means Panhellenic and was mainly used by local groups. The site of the sanctuary of Zeus Olympios at Olympia was located in a fertile plain on the banks of the River Alpheios in the northwest Peloponnese, and was not controlled by any one state, which, as we shall see, was a key requirement for it becoming Panhellenic. Metal evidence of bronze and occasionally iron tripods points to settlements from the regions of Messenia and Arkadia as the main groups participating in the sanctuary in this earlier period and the reasons for this may have been to do with the remoteness of the site. It may have been, as Morgan suggests, a neutral meeting place at which in ter-regional relations were developed (Morgan 1990: 30, 85, Hall 2007: 272). It can be seen therefore that even during its earlier history, Olympia took on a role that fostered relations between different groups, in this case of the western Peloponnese rather than the larger Greek world. In the 8th century the number of communities using the sanctuary hugely increased as shown by a massive rise in the number of tripods being dedicated there. Tripods were seen as high status items and were an indictor of wealth, and were among the prizes given by Achilles at the funeral games of Patroclus in the Iliad: For swift charioteers first he set forth goodly prizes, a woman to lead away, one skilled in goodly handiwork, and an eared tripod of two and twenty measuresfor him that should be first.'(Homer Iliad 23.264-265) It can be seen from this that in around 700BC, the approximate date of the composition of the Iliad, tripods were given as prizes, but as Osborne notes, it is difficult to determine whether this association existed earlier in the 8th century. Despite this he suggests that the rise in tripod dedication coincides with the traditional creation of the Olympic games in 776 and argues that the reason for there being many more tripods than the number of possible victors is that the range of type and manufacture points to people bringing their own tripods to dedicate whether victorious or not (Osborne 1996: 96). It is the view of Hall however that this date of 776 was exaggerated through the calculations of Hippias of Elis to increase the standing of the games. He asserts that as the other great Panhellenic games were not established until the 6th century the Olympic games may also have their origins in this century (Hall 2007: 32, 272). Morgan on the other hand, believes there may be an ele ment of truth in Pausanias account that the games were re-established in 776, and puts forward the idea that there may have been a small scale local festival tradition in place prior to the 8th century. She argues that although a precedent may have been in place, wider participation in the games did not commence until c.725BC (Morgan 1990: 48). It does seem odd however that the other Panhellenic games at Delphi, Nemea and Isthmia were not established until over a hundred years after those at Olympia, and yet these were apparently founded within quick succession (between c.582 and c.573). I am therefore in support of Halls position that perhaps the antiquity of the games was exaggerated, and it seems more likely that their origins lie in the late 7th or possibly even early 6th century. If it were not games then, what drew people to the Olympic sanctuary to cause the sudden increase in the number of tripods dedicated? There is another explanation which shows a changing attitude in the ideas of individual identity and the display of wealth. The dedications could reflect a new desire to display wealth for the viewing of a much wider audience. This would therefore have been a way of displaying social status but may also have provided opportunities for increasing your position within a social hierarchy. The sheer numbers of tripods may also reflect the need to compete with others outside of your own community. Olympia was therefore the ideal place for these activities, situated on two major rivers and so providing ample status boosting attention and also on neutral territory in a remote location, the distance, and thus the added danger, increasing the prestige of the dedicator (De Polignac 1994: 11, Osborne 1996: 98). This seems to be a valid suggestion in explaining th e influx of votive offerings. A fundamental change in attitude appears likely as an explanation for these new practices, as an increase in cultic practice was taking place throughout Greece. For example in the sanctuary of Pherai only two fibulae have so far been found dating to the 9th and early 8th centuries compared to 1783 from the late 8th and early 7th. This can also be seen in a range of other objects at various different sanctuaries, and is not restricted to the future Panhellenic sites (Osborne 1996: 93). Snodgrass suggests this represented a redirection of wealth to the dedication of the gods, and so it may be no coincidence that in this same period there was also a change in custom in that the dead were no longer buried with the range or wealth of grave-goods that they once were (Snodgrass 1980: 53-4, Osborne 1996: 82). This would imply a change in belief from the display of power, of an individual or possibly even just a family group, in death through the inclusion of wo rldly possessions, to an active display of wealth and social status in life. This may of course have been a factor prior to the 8th century but it is not as archaeologically visible as it becomes through tripod dedications. This is not to say that the games could not have been taking place at the same time, as neither activity is mutually exclusive; however it highlights the practical impossibility of identifying the origins of the games through available archaeology. The sanctuary of Apollo Pythios at Delphi had quite different origins to Olympia and there is no evidence that it had any cult associations until around the start of the 8th century, when bronze tripods and figurines appear. It is Morgans view that the sanctuary began life as a local shrine for the village of Delphi, which was subsequently adopted by neighbouring states (Morgan 1990: 106). During most of the 8th century dedications were relatively limited especially when compared to other sanctuaries such as Perakhora. These increased considerably in the last quarter of the 8th century, but unlike Olympia where this apparently trailed off in the 7th, these dedications steadily continued coming from locations as diverse as the Peloponnese, Attica and Crete (Osborne 1996: 202-203). Similarly to Olympia, Delphi was situated in quite a remote location on the slopes of Mount Parnassos, north of the Gulf of Corinth, in central Greece. This remoteness likewise allowed for its appeal to a wider audience, but it did evolve as part of a community, unlike the much more isolated Olympia and there was also a strong Corinthian involvement. The key issue however is that it did not fall directly within the territory of a developing powerful political centre. The aforementioned sanctuary of Hera at Perakhora for example became part of the territory of the city of Corinth and despite its similar origins and superior wealth in the 8th century at least to Delphi, it never achieved Panhellenic status. It would come under what Marinatos calls an extra-urban sanctuary, in that it fell under the direct administration of Corinth but was not within the urban space of the city. Urban sanctuaries, such as the Acropolis at Athens, were prominent features within the boundaries of a city and were used as an obvious display of the wealth and power of the respective city. Extra-urban sanctuaries on the other hand had a different political function; to define the territory of the city administering it, such as Corinth in the case of Perakhora. They also acted as small scale pan-Hellenic sanctuaries in as much as they united followers of a particular cult within a region and were not just for members of a specific polis. The Panhellenic sites of Delphi and Olympia fall under the title of inter-urban sanctuaries (Marinatos 1993: 229). This status largely depended on where the sanctuary was when cities became politicised, and the creation of, or claim for possession of a sanctuary probably indicated the beginnings of regional awareness (Morgan 1990: 7). The position of a sanctuary therefore defined its function, thus also changing the types of votive objects dedicated. Morgan believes Perakhora came to reflect the personal concerns of the people in the region of Corinth, while the elite utilized Delphi for the display of their wealth; this change in focus can be seen at Perakhora through dedications of items such as clay model koulouria and other feminine items linked to Hera (Morgan 1990: 144). The major investment in sanctuaries within polis territories however came in the form of monumental architecture which was constructed in these locations at least a century before that of any of the temples of the major Panhellenic sanctuaries (Hall 2007: 271, De Polignac 1994: 12). Prior to the construction of these temples the main focus of cult activity at all sanctuaries had been just an open air altar. The small temple of Hera at Perakhora built c.800 BC was one of the first to be constructed and was probably a one roomed building around 8 metres long and 5 metres wide. The initial temple of the Heraion at Samos was also constructed in this period; though it was far more monumental in structure at just over 30 metres long, although still only 6 metres wide. The temple to first be built entirely of stone however was not erected until the 6th century, though perhaps it is not surprising that this was also at a polis sanctuary; the temple of Artemis at Kerkyra (Coldstream 1977: 322, Coldstream 1985: 70-3). It is interesting then that these smaller, localised polis sanctuaries received this type of investment from communities long before the Panhellenic sanctuaries in the 7th and 6th centuries. Did this mean that urban and extra-urban sanctuaries were more important? Hall asserts that local sanctuaries must have been of a higher priority and Morgan takes this further in saying that the reason for this is that the state had to be defined politically, spatially and socially before formal investment could take place outside of its borders (Hall 2007: 271, Morgan 1993: 19-20). Coldstream also agrees with this view, and it is his opinion that the construction of temples, among other signs, marked the arrival of the polis (Coldstream 1985: 68). This would therefore seem to show that local temples such as that at Perakhora, were a key component of polis identity, and so it would seem only natural that city sanctuaries were invested in before competing against other poleis on the wider stage at the sanctuaries of Delphi and Olympia. As a result, it would seem less an argument of which was the more important and therefore most deserving of communal investment, and more about which was the most fundamental to the establishment of a collective civic identity. This change in the notion of identity, away from the promotion of self interest of the individual and towards the collective identity of the polis, is also noticeable in the building of treasuries, particularly at Delphi. At first these were constructed by elites in order to promote their own status, such as the treasury of Cypselus mentioned by Herodotos: These bowlsstand in the Corinthian treasury though to speak strictly it should not be called the public treasury of the Corinthians, but the treasury of Cypselus, son of Eà «tion.'(Herodotos Histories 1.14) As Hall notes however, by the 6th century these, despite still probably being financed by the most affluent, were constructed in the name of the polis, the treasury of Knidos being built in c.560-550 and the treasury of Siphnos in 525 for example (Hall 2007: 272-3, Snodgrass 1980: 141). Their function would have been the same, but the focus had shifted to the glorification of the polis rather than individuals. Only once a city state, and thus the communal identity that went with it, had fully formed could this be possible and allow for competition between states. Treasuries also existed in state sanctuaries, but all would have been financed by local inhabitants of the controlling city again differentiating from the Panhellenic appeal of Olympia and Delphi. The Heraion at Samos for instance has several possible treasuries, which were likely funded by local elites (Kyrieleis 1993: 129, 133). As previously mentioned, the majority, if not all of the Panhellenic sanctuaries introduced games in the early 6th century and this is the period when they can truly be called Panhellenic, involving competition between many poleis, rather than just elite individuals from neighbouring states. Individuals were still fà ªted as heroes for victory, both by their polis and on a wider scale; through winning they had increased their own status, but also the prestige of their home city. All athletic competitions were linked to religious festivals, and by 500BC there were around 50 sets of games in place throughout Greece (Sweet 1987: 3). This wider recognition of ability of course, could not happen at these local games, such as those of the Panathenaia, and so added to the appeal of the Panhellenic games and must have been one of the main reasons for the assured interest of so many states. Again the reason that so many city-states could come together in one place to compete was because none of the Panhellenic sanctuaries were dominated by a powerful state. This meant that there was no reason to feel threatened as perhaps could happen at more urban sanctuaries, located within or close to a dominant polis. This was one of the reasons why the Panathenaia, despite efforts from the Athenians to make it an inter-state festival to rival the Panhellenic games, was ultimately unsuccessful in attracting other poleis to compete (Finley 1985: xviii-xix). The Pythian games at Delphi and the Olympic games consisted of similar events, except that Delphi also offered musical competitions: contests for harpingfor flute-playing and for singing to the fluteThe competitions being the same as at Olympia, except the four horse chariot, and the Delphians themselves added to the contest running races for boys, the long course and the double course.'(Pausanias Description of Greece 10.7.4-5) These contests clearly fixed the Panhellenic status of these sanctuaries, but could they have been classed as Panhellenic prior to the introduction of athletic competition? This is harder to determine with Olympia, as the games were the main attraction of the sanctuary but also because the origins of the games are so hard to determine. Delphi however was just as famous, if not more so, for its oracle. The Delphic oracle is believed to have been established in the late 8th century, although like the Olympic games this is disputed. Again the only material evidence is the rise in votive offerings at the end of the century, which as discussed above is present in many places and could be indicative of a number of practices. There is a mention of the oracle in the Odyssey however: in sacred Pytho, when he passed over the threshold of stone to enquire of the oracle.'(Homer Odyssey 8.79-82) If its provenance is to be believed, and if it was not a later addendum to the story, then this would seem to support an 8th century origin for the oracle. Whatever the actual date, it is Morgans belief that the introduction of the oracle may reflect early state domination of the sanctuary, in a similar fashion to the way treasuries began to reflect the polis rather than the individual (Morgan 1990: 184-5). Osborne advocates that the oracle was part of the wider appeal of Delphi, but Delphi was not the only sanctuary with an oracle, and this again brings us back to the question of when it first became Panhellenic and what determined this status; the oracle or the Pythian games (Osborne 1996: 204). No matter what the actual cause of panhellenism was, the activities in place at both Olympia and Delphi were available elsewhere at many other sanctuaries that never achieved the status Panhellenic. The apparent reason for this, as has been reiterated many times through this work, was the geographical location of the sanctuaries. The Delphic oracle would have been perceived as far less likely to give biased advice to protect its political allegiances, as its neutrality meant that it was not dependent on the ambitions of a controlling polis. Similarly, the Olympic and Pythian games would have provided impartial ground on which to compete for greater glory than was possible within the confines of a state or intra-regional festival. It can be seen therefore that the origins of both Panhellenic and civic sanctuaries were quite comparable, and it was only following the emergence of a fully defined state, with territorial awareness, that the varying roles of sanctuaries became distinct. Co nsequently, it is my belief that it was a combination of geographical location and the rise of the polis that provided the environment for Panhellenic sanctuaries to be set apart, but that they had to have something to offer in order to appeal to a wider audience, whether it was an oracle or athletic competition. It is mainly through these factors that inter-urban sanctuaries differentiated from those directly under the control of a city-state. Bibliography Herodotos. Histories, translated by A. De Sà ©lincourt (Penguin Classics). London: Penguin Books. 2003. Homer. Iliad, translated by A. T. Murray. London: Heinemann / Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. 1924. Homer. Odyssey, translated by A. T. Murray. London: Heinemann / Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. 1919. Pausanias. Description of Greece, translated by W. H. S. Jones and H. A. Ormerod. London: Heinemann /Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. 1918. Coldstream, J. N. 1977. Geometric Greece. London: Ernest Benn. Coldstream, J. N. 1985. Greek Temples: Why and Where? In P. Easterling and J. Muir (eds), Greek Religion and Society. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. De Polignac, F. 1994. Mediation, Competition, and Sovereignty: The Evolution of Rural Sanctuaries in Geometric Greece. In S. Alcock and R. Osborne (eds), Placing the gods: Sanctuaries and Sacred Space in Ancient Greece. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Finley, M. 1985. Foreword. In P. Easterling and J. Muir (eds), Greek Religion and Society. Cambridge:Cambridge University Press. Hall, J. M. 2007. A History of the Archaic Greek World ca. 1200-479 BC. Oxford: Blackwell. Kyrieleis, H. 1993. The Heraion at Samos. In N. Marinatos and R. Hà ¤gg (eds), Greek Sanctuaries: New Approaches. London and New York: Routledge. Marinatos, N. 1993. What were Greek Sanctuaries? A Synthesis. In N. Marinatos and R. Hà ¤gg (eds),Greek Sanctuaries: New Approaches. London and New York: Routledge. Morgan, C. 1990. Athletes and Oracles: The Transformation of Olympia and Delphi in the Eight Century BC. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Morgan, C. 1993. The Origins of Pan-Hellenism. In N. Marinatos and R. Hà ¤gg (eds), Greek Sanctuaries:New Approaches. London and New York: Routledge. Osborne, R. 1996. Greece in the Making: 1200-479 BC. London and New York: Routledge. Snodgrass, A. M. 1980. Archaic Greece: The Age of Experiment. London: J M Dent. Sweet, W. E. 1987. Sport and Recreation in Ancient Greece: A Sourcebook with Translations. Oxford:Oxford University Press.

Folk Tale Characteristics in the Legend of Sleepy Hollow Essays

Folk Tale Characteristics in the Legend of Sleepy Hollow The Legend of Sleepy Hollow is one of the most well-known stories in American literature, and with good reason. Throughout his story, Washington Irving uses many stylistic ideas to create a fantastically detailed and descriptive romantic folk tale. Irving begins The Legend of Sleepy Hollow with a vivid description of the setting of his story. Beginning with the Dutch history of the area, he goes on to describe the town as "one of the quietest places in the whole world", with a tranquil brook running through it and the sweet sounds of chirping birds all around (1). Irving delves into the town's history, citing Indian legends which say that the town is "bewitched", and that those who live there often have their eyes and ears play tricks on them (1). His focus in this description is to give the history of a little sleepy town, using an element of romanticism to choose his peaceful, remote setting, and paying special attention to the nature and native legends of the area. He spices up his story with many other examples of this local color, such as the details of Baltus Van Tassel's farm. His land is described as being "one of those green, sheltered, fertile nooks in which the Dutch farmers are so fond of nesting," with elms, alders, dwarf willows, and a well which contained the sweetest, softest water imaginable (5). This description of the land also ties into the traditional romantic technique of having a person's house represent the character of that person. Baltus Van Tassel is directly characterized as "a perfect picture of a thriving, contented, libral-hearted farmer" (5). Si... ... gives him the dancing skills of St. Vitus, patron of the dance. As he is courting Katrina on the dance floor, Brom Bones is left brooding in the corner. This again pokes fun at the traditional sense of romanticism, because one would think that it would be Brom who would be wooing Katrina at the party. Through these tiny, laughable moments in his story, Irving brings a light, playful tone to the drowsy, dreamy, deeply romantic Sleepy Hollow. It is through the ample and skillful use of these stylistic ideas that Washington Irving is able to weave the characteristics of a folk tale such as humor, hearsay, and local color together to create a deliciously romantic story of nature, love, and supernatural events. Irving, Washington. "The Legend of Sleepy Hollow." Ed. Illustrated Arthur Rackham. United States: David McKay, 1928.

Lack Of Interested In Sports Essay

Many of my schoolmates are not interested in sports. I had carried out a survey on the reasons for their lack of interest. The reasons that causes students not to be interested in sports comes from themselves, parents and facilities. Firstly, the attitude of students for sports was wasting their time. They feel that time is money, so they use their time to study. They think that studying is important than sports and study ensures their future. This causes them to have lack of time for sports. Parents are also the reason why students lack of interest in sports. Parents emphasize on their child’s academic performance only. So, they sign up tuition classes such as English tuition class, Chemistry tuition class and so on for their children to improve their children’s academic performance. The last reason that I learnt from survey is facilities. Some students are interested in sports but there are insufficient sports equipment for them. The sport equipments like basketball, football, and so on are not enough for those students. Besides, the poor condition of field and courts in schools cause students to dislike sports because the field will become muddy when it is raining. These are a few suggestions which can be adopt to overcome the above issues. First and foremost, the school authorities should emphasize the importance of sports in school. The students must know that sports keep their bodies as fit as a fiddle. Besides, dialogue sessions should be conducted with parents to inform them the vital role of sport in helping to create a well-rounded student. As we know, sport is essential for health. As the saying goes, â€Å"Prevention is better than cure†. Therefore, we should always exercise to prevent us from diseases. Moreover, the sport facilities in school must be improved too. Nowadays, our school lack of sports equipments for students to use during physical  education. This causes them to lose interest in sports but put all their effort in their academic performances. School authorities should employ qualified trainers to improve the students’ skills in sports. A good trainer may further increase the students’ curiosity in sports. Students can learn many essential values through sports. Furthermore, more competitions in sports should be organized in our school too. For example, badminton and basketball matches can be held in schools for those who are interested in the games. Plus, those who excel in competitions should be rewarded with attractive prizes to encourage them. I hope the authorities can consider the suggestions that I had stated. I believe that the above ways can help the school attain their goal of creating interest and encouraging student participation in sports. Reported by, Joanne